1. In chapter 6, Hansen describes the three dominant nineteenth and early twentieth century constructions of the ‘the Balkans’. These constructions have critical importance for the two discourses that we see today (i.e. The Balkan discourse and the Genocide discourse) Can you think of other examples in which the discourse surrounding a particular area/subject changed throughout history leading to a particular construction today?
2. What are the differences between the three historical discourses that Hansen describes in terms of their spatial, temporal, and ethical identities? In what ways is the degree of “Otherness” different in each of these discourses?
3. Chapter 7 brings out how security discourse is shaped by different governments based on their national interests and foreign policy agendas and not on assessments of moral responsibilities. Do you agree? Can you give another example of a how the discourse of a war was shaped differently by different governments based on their respective national interests?
4. Hansen says that in order for a discourse to reach closure and stability, there are elements of “ambiguity, openness or blank spots” that have to be left in silence so as to maintain the stability of the discourse. Can you think of an example of a popular (stable) discourse that skipped the mention of critical instances that could have possibly changed how the discourse was formulated?
5. Hansen points out a number of problems with the humanitarian responsibility discourse. For instance, the dichotomy between “leaders” and “civilians” is problematic and it may fail to recognize the concept of “civilian agency.” According to Hansen, this discourse, among many things, is also a sort of response to media pressure. Do you think that media can influence how a discourse is shaped and recalled for years? Can you think of cases in which media reporting played a major role in forming its discourse?
6. According to the chapter, what explains the policy convergence - lift and strike - between a neorealist interpretation of the Balkan discourse and the Genocide discourse?
7. Would you agree that there is an orientalist approach in Rebecca West’s and Robert D. Kaplan’s texts and in their understandings of the Balkans? Please give a few examples to justify your position.
8. In chapter 9, Hansen writes on how the Bush Administration is criticized for staying inside the Balkan discourse by engaging in a “serious of calculated evasions”, calling the war against Bosnia “a blood feud” and “a complex, convoluted conflict that grows out of old-age animosities”. Can you think of a contemporary discourse in which a U.S. administration has used similar rhetoric? What is the foreign policy that has resulted so far from the discourse/issue you cited and is it any similar to the foreign policy generated by the U.S. during the Bosnian War; have identities been “re-articulated” during the process?
9. In what ways did the Balkan discourse differ from the Genocide discourse described in chapter 9 and why do you think this distinction is significant for understanding the West’s response to the Bosnian War? What are some of the foreign policy outcomes that were influenced by the “discursive variations” of each of the discourses?
10. In searching for a way to understand the political impact of culture, political science has drawn from other fields like economics. How does Lisa Wedeen suggest political analysis should look to understand culture and political phenomena?